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States, communicating with the diasporas who have migrated to different countries and sharing cultural, religious and economic shares by helping diasporas protect themselves and aim to show that diasporas are not supported by their homeland. These shares also strengthen their relations with diasporas and their countries and positively contribute to the international image of states. For this purpose, the Turkish government also interacts with citizens living in the Turkish world and constitutes a public diplomacy before them. With new communication technologies, public diplomacy activities are being carried out through digital channels. This study combines Türksoy's diasporas in the Turkish world with digital public diplomacy.

To establish good maritime governance, the Indonesian government must pay attention to maritime security aspects in every maritime policy and integrate maritime security education into the national education curriculum. However, implementing the World Maritime Axis concept, the Indonesian government still needs to consider the maritime security perspective as a top priority. The ultimate goal of good maritime governance development should include the strength of the Navy as the most important supporting element and the implementation of maritime security training and education for Indonesian maritime society. This study aims to analyze the efforts of the Joko Widodo (Jokowi) administration in addressing maritime security issues through the implemented maritime security training and education programs. The research method used is qualitative descriptive by using secondary data from a literature review and interpretation found in previous journal articles, with data collection techniques through literature study. The study results indicate that addressing maritime security issues requires hard and soft efforts from the government, including implementing maritime security training and education programs for Indonesian maritime society and integrating maritime security education into the national education curriculum.

Academic Literacies elucidates how undergraduate students with diverse skillsets can effectively engage with socially constructed and discipline-specific knowledge(s) "through" writing. Over the last two decades, language specialists and education researchers have developed a robust, student-focused epistemology. However, it remains unclear how lecturers understand and teach Academic Literacies in their courses. This article shifts the focus by exploring how we -- a teaching team in International Relations at a Swedish university -- translated the knowledge claims and ideological commitments of Academic Literacies into an applied pedagogy. We employ collaborative, reflective practice to investigate how we progressively integrated Academic Literacies in an introductory, bachelor's level course from 2010-2019. Specifically, we illustrate how we used formative feedback, peer assessment, and reflective journaling to teach International Relations "through" academic writing. We conclude with a discussion of the best practices and unresolved challenges of our evolving pedagogical design.

Taking the "Learning to 'tell Chinese's story well'" narrative prevalent in policies as a starting point, this article draws on data collected from a provincial university and delves into the institutional involvement and support in response to the state's international higher education policies. By foregrounding the underlying structures of power and control, I illustrate the mechanisms by which the policy was translated into and implemented through the practice of the hidden curriculum -- an integrated approach of 'listening', 'watching' and 'telling' at the meso level, where international students' aspirations were shaped (or not). This 'implementation study' offers a valuable contribution to the growing scholarship of recent policy studies, especially in the Chinese context, and thus adds to understandings about how the official discourse becomes integral to mid-level institutions' routine and everyday practices and processes. The implications of China's experiences and the direction of further study are discussed.

Active learning is an engaging way of teaching and even experienced professors may not know how to start implementing its techniques to make classes more dynamic. Teaching cases can be a very useful active method of instruction, as an opportunity to assign students roles in the case discussion, centering them as the protagonists of their own learning process. In other words, students will learn by doing, as they will be engaged in thinking and communicating on the topic. This paper presents a teaching case on the Brexit process to introduce central concepts of Putnam's Two-Level Game model, such as level of negotiations, chief negotiator, win-set, voluntary defection, involuntary defection, and ratification. We assessed learning with self-perception questionnaires before and after the activity. The results suggest the activity improved the understanding of all selected topics covered in class.

Scholars have confirmed the diplomacy value and soft power influence of international alumni (IA), but the relationship between IA and knowledge diplomacy (KD) is under-researched. Meanwhile, there needs to be a change from the soft power framework to the knowledge diplomacy framework in international higher education studies to emphasise mutuality rather than dominance. This study explores the relationship and mechanism of IA and KD by document analysis of Australian governmental policies. This study examines and analyses the Australian international alumni engagement strategy and identifies it as a knowledge diplomacy approach rather than a soft power approach. This study also points out the mechanisms of IA and KD. This study informs the Australian government and other governments worldwide to better engage with their valuable IA groups.

Tibetan Buddhism has played a shifting role in the official identity discourse of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan. Established for the administration of Tibet, Mongolia, and other frontier regions in 1928, the ROC's Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission (MTAC) continued research and publication activity on Taiwan (1949-2017). A major focus of this work was Tibetan Buddhism. This article examines how MTAC portrayals of Tibetan Buddhism evolved in response to changes in the ROC's legitimating ideology and to Taiwan's shifting political and cultural context. During the martial law era (1949-1987), Tibetan Buddhism was largely portrayed as an exotic religion facing brutal Communist oppression. By the twenty-first century, the MTAC was repositioning itself as a supporter of Tibetan Buddhism within Taiwan. MTAC discourse on Tibetan Buddhism reflects both the growing detachment of ROC politics from Mainland affairs and the persistence of Orientalist views of Tibetans and their culture.

This paper analyses faculty experiences tackling global knowledge asymmetries by examining the decolonisation of higher education in Africa in the aftermath of the 2015 'Rhodes Must Fall' student uprising. An overview of the literature reveals a rich debate on defining 'decolonisation', starting from a critique of Eurocentrism to propositions of alternate epistemologies. These debates are dominated by the Global North and South Africa and their experiences of curriculum reform. Our focus is on the experiences of political scientists in Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. These countries share the same Anglophone political science traditions but represent different political trajectories that constitute a significant condition for the discipline. The 26 political scientists we interviewed acted toward increasing local content and perspectives in their teaching, as promoted in the official strategies of the universities. They noted that what was happening in lecture halls was most important. The academic decolonisation debate appeared overambitious or even as patronising to them in their own political context. National politics affected the thematic focus of the discipline both as far as research topics and students' employment opportunities were concerned. Although university bureaucracies were slow to respond to proposed curricula changes, new programmes were approved if there was a market-based demand for them. International programs tended to be approved fastest. Political economy of higher education plays a role: dependency on foreign funding, limited national resources to conduct research and produce publications vis-à-vis international competition, and national quality assurance standards appeared to be most critical constraints for decolonising the curriculum.

This paper pilots a method of testing the learning effects of a role-playing simulation of negotiations over the Nile basin. Players negotiate how to apply general principles from international law, such as sharing water equitably and avoiding significant harm, to specific circumstances of the river basin. Students are presented with a set of factual statements about the basin and surveyed before and after play as to which facts will be (were) most important in negotiations. Surveys of 75 participating graduate students show interesting patterns: (1) a shift from emphasis on managing risks to exploiting cooperative opportunities; (2) change in the value orientation of the statements students consider most important, with development-oriented values increasing and environment-oriented values decreasing; and (3) change in the dimensions of power students consider most salient, including an increased appreciation for the institutional and knowledge-related elements of power and a de-emphasis on the structural aspects of power. Before-and-after surveying offers an alternative to the more common methods of learning assessment, based on knowledge acquisition or student satisfaction, while discussion of the survey results with students allows for a richer, more reflective learning experience.

As the US-China geopolitical tensions escalated, this study sought to investigate how Chinese students respond to the political circumstances when making their post-graduation plans. Drawing from interviews among 15 Chinese international students who graduated from a US university, this study found that most Chinese students did not change their post-graduation plans due to the heightened tensions between the US and China; however, they enacted agency to overcome the difficulties imposed by the geopolitical context. This study challenged the deficit view of international student research by indicating that Chinese students could adapt to a set of perspectives, transform these perspectives into actions, and leverage useful resources to protect their career and life aspirations. The study also warned the danger of the continuity of the anti-China political rhetoric and emphasized the role of higher education institutions in buffering the negative political impact and supporting Chinese and all international students.

Model United Nations (MUN) has seen dramatic growth in Morocco, both at the university and high school levels. It is a popular and effective teaching tool. This paper aims to test its utility using various methodologies. It shares the results of surveys, both historic and current, conducted at Al Akhawayn University evaluating the activity among students. It also includes interviews with MUN participants, both coaches and students, at Al Akhawayn University and elsewhere. Finally, the paper evaluates whether the tool is trans-cultural or whether it is an expansion of White space.

Background and Aim: Promoting the development of international education is an important international education trend in the world today. It has had or is having a far-reaching impact on the education of all countries in the world, whether it is formal education or non-formal education (Gu, M., 2020). The "Course Plan for Technicians in Museums and Exhibition Halls" is mentioned in the book "Classification of International Education Standards" prepared by the UNESCO Education Statistics Bureau (1998). It can be seen that as early as the initial stage of international education development, the international education undertakings responsible for education, cultural inheritance, and exchange have attracted long-term attention to the museum industry. The combination of international education and museum display education can develop the way of international education, improve the exchange channels of international education, use the intuition and authenticity of museum display education, and improve the communication channels and paths of Chinese culture, which is an important way to improve the soft power of modern countries. Materials and Methods: This study uses descriptive research methods and attribute classification methods to try to classify garden cultural relics. The descriptive research method is simple. It interprets existing phenomena, laws, and theories through its understanding and verification, raises questions in a targeted way, and reveals the drawbacks. The law of attribute classification takes the social and scientific and cultural attributes of cultural relics as the standard to classify cultural relics. That is, the classification method is based on the nature of cultural relics. Cultural relics are the relics of human social activities and have cultural attributes. Therefore, when using the attribute classification method, this study clarifies the use and deep meaning of cultural relics to accurately confirm their nature, and then carry out research. Results: The development of international education is the evolution trend of education for the world and the public. Make good use of the current museum public service facilities education platform to build good communication and communication channels, which is conducive to the development of international education. Conclusion: Based on the existing collection classification principles and characteristics, we will innovate the classification display method, make new attempts to improve the classification display education method, and build a collection classification system in line with the functional positioning, collection attributes, and development planning of the library. It is a useful attempt to combine international education with museum education and museum classification to improve the mode of museum education, implement the essence of the curriculum plan of international education development museums and exhibition halls into specific practical work, and enrich the content of museum education through new exhibition classification.

This study aims to examine the collective progress of internationalization and present a map of internationalization of the participant universities. The Turkish version of the American Council on Education's [ACE] Mapping Survey, which was adapted by the authors, was used as data collection tool. Participants consisted of 12 experts and managers of the international relations offices of 12 state universities. The results indicate that the majority of respondents believe that the level of internationalization at Turkish universities is high and internationalization is most often undertaken to enhance reputation and rankings, attract successful faculty, researchers, and students, and prepare their students for the global economy. Moreover, the participants believe that their universities are internationalizing rapidly, international student recruitment is the top internationalization activity, and the international relations office [IRO], rector, and vice-rector do their best to internationalize. Moreover, the institutional commitment of participant universities to internationalization was found to be high. They carry out internationalization practices through administrative sub-units formed according to the type of internationalization activity and declare their internationalization activities and goals in mission-vision documents or strategic plans. Their internationalization activities are internally/externally evaluated and internationalization efforts are encouraged by the senior management. Participant universities aim to increase the number of international students by setting certain goals and geographical targets, carry out their internationalization activities purposefully and include countries with shared historical and cultural heritage. Universities are expanding their cooperation and partnerships to include both Europe and the rest of the world.

To develop an English for Specific Purposes (ESP) course for learners who would like to work as international relations officers (IROs), a Target Situation Analysis (TSA) is obligatory for course developers to arrive at a conclusion regarding the English language skills that learners have to master in order to work in this professional context successfully. The present study, therefore, aims to investigate which English language skills are required for working as an IRO. Overall, 400 Thai IROs were purposively selected to participate in the study. The data collection procedures were divided into the collection of quantitative data through a questionnaire and qualitative data through semi-structured interviews. The findings revealed that listening and reading skills were most required by IROs in various working contexts. These two receptive skills are generally utilized because IROs need to gather information to build knowledge for communicating with their foreign counterparts. However, speaking and writing skills are still widely applied by IROs, as they also need to deliver key messages precisely and appropriately. The results of this study offer ESP course developers valuable insights into the English skills that should be emphasized in ESP courses for IROs.

This paper represents one of the most recent and pertinent studies conducted in Afghanistan, aiming to address the societal imperative of comprehending the factors behind the fall of the Republic government and the subsequent rise of the Taliban to power. Furthermore, the paper seeks to analyse public attitudes towards the current situation. Employing a quantitative approach, the research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method through questionnaires and the participants include social media activist, students and universities professors, the data collected by online survey according WhatsApp, Facebook messengers, telegram, email and other social media groups from different ethnic groups. The findings of this research have identified several pivotal factors contributing to the ascent of the Taliban to power, including the US-Taliban agreement in Doha, Qatar; political disparities; administrative and financial corruption within the Republic's administration; Pakistan's support for the Taliban; the previous government's accord with the Taliban; ethnic dominance; robust military morale of the Taliban; and proficient war management by the Taliban. Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic society, witnesses political dynamics predominantly rooted in ethnic affiliations. The majority of respondents express dissatisfaction with the current Afghan situation, displaying significant concerns for the populace. Foremost concerns, in terms of prioritization, encompass poverty; closure of girls' schools; restrictions on women's education and employment; escalation of civil unrest; mono-ethnic rule; ethnic conflicts; emergence of ISIS; ethnic marginalization; violations of citizenship rights; political participation and legitimacy crises; and authoritarianism. Consequently, to address the political crisis and establish a viable system, the research concludes that while Pashtuns lean toward a centralized system, Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmens evince greater interest in a decentralized structure.

Purpose: This article examines the adverse impact of international economic sanctions on pedagogy. The article considers the contemporary times as a period of misinformation, false news, and untruths. Utilizing anti-hegemonic literature, international economic sanctions are viewed as neoliberalism's instrument of coercion, a Western weapon used to enforce Western values on those with different perceptions toward the free market system. Design/Approach/Methods: This article utilizes critical scholarship to unmask authoritarian neoliberalism and a scoping review of sanctioned societies. Critical analytics are deployed to interpret and make sense of the dominant educational policy framework that appears to be against diversity. Findings: Neoliberalism has caused a crisis in pedagogy. Education is under siege as academics and scientific evidence are being disregarded. The call is for pedagogues from all over the world to continue to avail evidence to power by practicing critical education. Literature is utilized to propose critical pedagogy when scientific evidence is disputed, and non-Western epistemologies are considered anachronous. Originality/Value: Linking sanctions and neoliberalism is relatively novel, as is the contribution of the same lenses to authoritarian neoliberalism. The assault on divergent epistemologies is critical, and the defense of critical scholarship is every academic's duty. The article joins conversations on the neoliberal assault on education and society.

Through the lens of paradox theory, we present and discuss the cases of two different proposals for a European public university, located in Lisbon, Portugal, to develop transnational campuses, one in China and one in Egypt. We discuss the three overarching goals of the transnational campus in our cases (funding through international cooperation, projection of soft power, and the development of human capital) and compare the structure of both proposals with particular attention to the governance and pedagogical models proposed for China and the Middle East, and shed light on the different expectations that Middle Eastern and Chinese authorities hold regarding the cooperation with European institutions in the area of higher education. We conclude that the development of transnational campus can be considered a paradoxical journey and the success of which depends on how the tensions between goals are tackled and synergies obtained -- or not. This will help in designing adequate policies and strategies in order to optimize the cooperation.

In the field of international education and development, International Language and Culture Promotion Organisations (ILCPOs) have played an important part for more than a century. More than 40 countries and regions have set up such organisations. Despite the diversity of these ILCPOs, few comparative studies have been conducted to examine their operations and impacts. In contrast to the existing literature that usually evaluates the role of these organisations from the perspectives of cultural diplomacy, public diplomacy and soft power, this research proposes a 'smart power' analytical framework and compares China's Confucius Institute with its European counterparts -- France's Alliance Française, the UK's British Council and Germany's Goethe-Institut -- in Africa from six critical dimensions: relationship with parent countries; operational mode; accessibility to local people; scope of activities; main internal issues; and local people's needs, in an attempt to evaluate their operations and performance.

This study aimed to develop a scale to determine teacher candidates' perceptions of the European Union (EU). A descriptive survey method was used in the study, and the study group consisted of 908 teacher candidates attending the Kirsehir Ahi Evran University Faculty of Education in the fall semester of 2021-2022 academic year. The participants were selected using a convenient sampling technique. The Perception Scale of the European Union comprised 20 items and three factors: anxiety, contribution, and culture was employed as the main research tool. The Cronbach's Alpha internal consistency coefficient was calculated for the said scale as 0.746, which indicated scale reliability. Data were analyzed using percentage, frequency, mean, and standard deviation techniques. Additionally, t-test and ANOVA were performed to identify the differences between samples. The study results showed that the teacher candidates' anxiety levels for the European Union were high, and their perceptions of the "contribution" and "culture" factors were moderate. The analysis of perceptions of the EU and political literacy skills of the participants revealed a significant difference in the "contribution" factor but no significant difference in the "anxiety" and "culture" factors. According to the relationship between teachers' perceptions of the EU and their cultural literacy skills, there was a significant difference in the "culture" factor but no significant difference appeared in the "anxiety" and "contribution" factors.

Few would question the changing landscape of international higher education, research and innovation (IHERI) or the increased complexities and interconnectedness of the relationships between and among countries of the world. But paradoxically, there is a lack of research on the intersection of these two evolving phenomenon. This article aims to address this by proposing the concept of knowledge diplomacy, instead of soft power, to understand the role of IHERI in building bilateral and multi-lateral relationships based on collaboration, reciprocity and mutuality of benefits. A definition and conceptual framework for knowledge diplomacy are proposed and examined in detail. Three IHERI initiatives -- The Pan African University, the German Jordanian University and RENKEI -- a research network between Japanese and UK universities -- are examined to illustrate how the major elements and principles of the knowledge diplomacy framework can be applied. The article ends by posing questions about the future of knowledge diplomacy and the need for further research.

In recent years, China's higher education sector has started to establish special programs to train and support talents to seek career opportunities in the United Nations (UN). To explore these special programs and understand their relationship with China's internationalization strategies and its higher education, we used the center-periphery model as the theoretical framework. We analyzed 53 institutional documents and conducted semi-structured interviews among 5 university staff members and 21 students/recent graduates who were involved in these special programs. The analysis on the special programs implied Chinese higher education's peripheral position in supporting talents to work in the UN. This was reflected by the conforming practice, including accepting current UN recruitment regulations and English's dominance in the UN recruitment practice. However, we also identified alternative dynamics that China and its higher education do not simply obey the center-periphery model and accept their peripheral status. Instead, special programs were established to achieve China's global strategy of moving to the center of international arena via multilateralism and international organizations such as the UN. This study sheds light on further explorations of the state-university relationship in China in the globalization era, especially from the perspective of cultural diplomacy and soft power.

This paper discussed the relationship between language, ecology, and culture, and claimed that the study of linguistic communication as pragmatics should not be confined to the traditional context, but should focus on a broader ecological environment. It analyzed the context of practical communication from the perspective of language ecology beginning with the discussion of the ecological crisis in communication and found that language, like plants and animals in nature, needed the support of the external environment with certain "soil fertility". This paper classified ecological context into two types: internal ecological context (psychological-cognitive context) and external ecological context (natural environment and social environment). Based on this classification, the ecological context of pragmatics was further divided into environment-friendly context, addressee-friendly context, and speaker-friendly ecological context. This paper was an exploratory analysis of language ecology in pragmatics, aiming at helping communicative participants find their ecological niche and adopt appropriate strategies to maintain the ecological balance in pragmatic communication.

While there are many difficulties faced by world language educators, both teachers and students of certain languages--languages commonly identified with countries and cultures deemed to be hostile to the United States--often find themselves in uniquely paradoxical situations. This article begins with a brief anecdotal description of the personal challenge of speaking a "language of the enemy," and then turns to a discussion of world language education in the United States, emphasizing the distinction between the commonly taught languages (CTLs) and the less commonly taught languages (LCTLs). Next, an overview of linguistic bias in the history of world language education, focusing on the cases of German and Russian, as well as both Farsi and Arabic, is provided, followed by a discussion of the uses of "soft power" in the promotion of a country's language and culture. After a brief analysis of the role of media in constructing images of different languages for public consumption, and the impact of such media efforts on the teaching of some of the LCTLs, the article concludes with a discussion of the fundamental dilemma that we face in teaching what are considered by many Americans to be the "languages of the enemy."

The Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme Act 2018 (FITS Act) requires persons or entities, including universities, who engage with the Australian political landscape on behalf of a foreign principal, to register under the scheme. The High Court of Australia's recent decision in LibertyWorks Inc v Commonwealth of Australia [2021] HCA 18 may cause universities to rethink their registration obligations. This article: (i) considers the elements of the legislation which trigger an obligation to register; (ii) examines the High Court's decision in LibertyWorks v Commonwealth, with particular emphasis on those parts of the judgment most likely to impact universities; and (iii) concludes by considering common activities undertaken by universities that might attract a requirement to register, and analyses the impact the FITS Act is likely to have on universities seeking to comply with the legislative regime.

The Australian Government's Endeavour international scholarship program had strategic interests in international education at its core, but uneven and strategically incompatible outcomes emerged over the 16 years of its existence. An unexpected outcome was the dominance of the small Himalayan nation of Bhutan as a substantial beneficiary of the program. This research draws on official Endeavour recipient data for the years 2007 to 2019; on qualitative interviews with scholarship program stakeholders in Australia, and on two unpublished reviews of the program obtained under Freedom of Information (FOI). Combined, they reveal the workings of an ambitious scholarship program into which significant public monies were invested, but which was hampered by its adherence to a poorly-defined concept of 'merit', inadequate consultation with stakeholders and a failure to connect with international education priorities in a way which might have resulted in more valuable outcomes for Australian international education providers.

In 2019, the U.S. Department of Education (DED) began increasing its enforcement of the Higher Education Act, Section 117 statute, which provides instructions for institutional reporting regarding foreign and contracts. The three questions guiding this article include: What were DED's stated premises for the investigations? How was international engagement characterized in the notices? And finally, what traits, characteristics, and/or qualities were attributed to different actors? After providing an overview of Section 117, this article examines the notices of investigation issued by DED between 2019 and 2021 to better understand how the Agency discursively characterized malign and/or undue foreign influence utilizing a discourse historical analysis approach. After exploring these questions, this article then discusses the problematic assumptions revealed by four frames which emerged from the notices of investigations and concludes with a brief reflection on the continued challenges for universities and their international engagement (broadly defined) moving forward.

In recent years, news media have increased reporting about alleged foreign interference in universities worldwide. A flurry of new policies has followed. This article reviews discourse and policy on foreign interference in higher education in select countries. It identifies the alleged perpetrators and victims, the victims' concerns and responses, and the voices shaping the narrative about foreign interference. We combine the concepts of sharp power and right-wing authoritarianism to inform a discourse analysis and comparative policy analysis of a data set of 161 news articles and related media sources spanning a 30-month period of 2019-2021. Our findings highlight how government actors within the United States and Australia drive the international English-language discourse about Chinese foreign interference in a polarized media environment. We observe well-founded fears of China's exploitation of international students and research collaborations to the detriment of national security. At the same time, a resurgent worldwide authoritarian movement is also exploiting these concerns to augment longstanding assaults on higher education. Our study helps to bridge the gap between the primarily positive framing of the internationalization of higher education in scholarly discourse and the negative focus on foreign interference in higher education in the media, government, and other public discourse. It also serves as an important introduction to this phenomenon and call to action for scholars of the internationalization of higher education to conduct further research and actively engage in the broader discourse around this topic.

We explore how the influx of foreign funding into the higher education sectors of the United States and United Kingdom has raised the challenge of "reputation laundering"--when foreign donors and individuals use donations to prestigious universities to boost their international public image and offset negative images or reported controversies back in their home country. We outline four pathways for reputation laundering--donations for academic programs/schools, naming rights, honorary degrees and board seats; and the offer of favorable admissions decisions--and examine the variety of policies, practices and safeguards that have been adopted by U.K. and U.S. universities in response. We present evidence, drawn from a survey of U.K. development officers, that university diligence procedures, which usually focus on compliance with the law, often are inadequate for filtering or deterring most types of reputation laundering.

At the dawn of the 21st century--when your author, who is now an educator, was in college--the United States was the sole global superpower. But the world changed with the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, as well as other events that remade the world in which current students now study. As an educator, I can explain that the structure of the world, termed "world orders," can subsist of underlying world "sub-orders," and "suborder traits" which even underlie them historically, and how students can outline them. In this way, while political-economic history looks to be constantly repeating itself, with the alignment of "traits" changing, what is considered "modern" and how we go about teaching it in history, political, and economic courses is the research aim of this article. Unlike the historian, whose job it is to identify such "traits," the social scientist should attempt to measure their importance; as educators, we need to point this difference out to students. These new ideas come from an educator with a background in both history and the social sciences. The article summarizes the current world order and concludes with a discussion of what "future" world orders might be, based on sub-orders, while offering ideas for educators to use for students, many of whom will be future scholars, on how to measure which world orders and "sub-orders" are generationally and empirically "modern."

Politics and International Relations (Pol & IR) lecturers can capitalise on the established relationship between comedy and political analysis by using humour techniques to enhance the student learning experience and to develop students' critical analysis skills. Using collected data from focus groups with 21 British and International undergraduate students from four UK universities, this small-scale empirical study advances a methodology that enables participants to engage in collective meaning-making without being restricted by a closed-ended question survey. This research highlights student perceptions that humour attempts can make concepts memorable, improve student-lecturer rapport, and increase student engagement and motivation when lecturers consistently adopt a friendly persona and use humour to supplement high-quality lecture content. Mild self-deprecation by lecturers improves the student-lecturer relationship. Lecturer "banter" with students is risky, but might be acceptable if the lecturer's persona is consistently humorous and sufficient student trust is developed. Participants considered that analogies and pop culture references are beneficial explanatory tools, especially for complex Pol & IR concepts or theories. Memes were considered to be most effective when used as a summarising or concluding point, thus corroborating the "educate before subvert" principle.

The role of advertising animation film as a political motivate in the contemporary reality strategy through multimedia in the research scale of universal unilateral force "America". And this reflection on the animation industry, which made the US authorities and capital owners as a political motivate towards political trends and political changes within and outside America worldwide, and this impact and reflection of our country Egypt and monitoring the effects and results of modern political changes in the contemporary Egyptian reality, and the need to presence of an national Egyptian defensing resistant to Western ideologies, especially the American ideology, which push the changes towards her interests and her advantages as well as the need for writing the history of our contemporary reality by Ourselves via all multimedia forms until they are not forging for the facts or the history with different ideology of the good Egyptian thought. Referring to the futurology, which was concentered with it by the century. As "Dr./Salah Qunsoua "pointed at introduction Book, entitled "The clash of Civilizations" composed by: Samuil Hentgton -- In response to what the current events causes in the world, like problems and questions, do not find their solutions, or responses in previous models, samples, tribes, familiar and accepted theories until recently. As the contemporary world status, which America & Western Europe present the motivate of what facts happen and destroy the theories stabilized from the analysis of an interpretation.

In the present study, the issue under scrutiny is the meaning and current policies of the internationalization of higher education (HEI) in Turkey. This research is a descriptive case study and the data were collected through document analysis. The documents analyzed within the scope of the study are as follows: "Internationalization Strategy Document in Higher Education 2018-2022 (CoHE, 2017)"; "Research Project Report on Making Turkish Universities an Attraction Center for International Students in the Framework of Internationalization of Higher Education (Kadioglu & Özer, 2015)"; "Growth, Quality, Internationalization: A Roadmap for Higher Education in Turkey (Çetinsaya, 2014)", "10th Development Plan 2014-2018 (T.R. Ministry of Development, 2013)" and "11th Development Plan 2019-2023 (T.R. Presidential Strategy and Budget Department, 2019)". The content analysis method was used to analyze the data. The available evidence seems to suggest that the internationalization of higher education in Turkey has academic meanings in the sub-dimensions of education/training, institutional quality, research/publication, and human resources; cultural meanings in the sub-dimensions of cultural ambassador, diversity, and integration; political meanings in foreign policy, soft power, political closeness sub-dimensions and, finally, economic meanings in the sub-dimensions of human resources, growth, global competition, and economic mobility. There is overwhelming evidence corroborating the notion that the policies of recognition and visibility, mobility, internationalization, strategic planning, and student opportunities have been applied to the internationalization of higher education in Turkey. Overall, this study strengthens the need for the Internationalization of Higher Education Working Committee, which comprises all the stakeholders under one roof. The current data highlight the importance of continuous efforts to make the faculty members, students, and administrative staff competent in foreign languages.

This paper seeks to explore the aspects related to education and aspiration through the on-going experiences of Female Malay Muslim students in UK higher institutions. Building on an ethnographic approach, an in-depth interview with 30 female Malay students, I focus on the various aspects of the students' lives as scholarship holders, addressing in particular how they handle diplomatic practices in their everyday lives as Malaysian mini ambassadors overseas. The notions of aspiration, well-balanced citizenship and 'everyday diplomacy' are deployed in this research to understand the everyday experiences of these students. Hence, it is argued that the privileges in education policy for Bumiputera Malays have shaped the notion of achievement they hold and their attitude towards overseas education as well as their experiences abroad. My research suggests that being a mini diplomat means not only promoting the relationship between different cultures but also contributing to nations abroad through their volunteering work.

Politeness strategies are of significant importance to maintain the face of the addressee. Senders of formal congratulatory letters seek to create a positive image in the minds of their addresses by performing particular illocutionary acts and face-saving acts (FSAs) in the form of written texts. To the best knowledge of the researcher, this topic received little attention from linguistic researchers, especially on the pragma-stylistic level. The importance of this study arises from the fact that congratulatory formal letters are an effective tool in the successful performance of foreign relations and thus deserve investigation. The current study investigates the pragma-stylistic aspects of illocutionary acts and FSA Politeness Strategies in some selected English and Arabic formal congratulatory letters written by English and Arabic officials. Findings reveal that assertive constitutes the highest frequency in English data, while expressive occurs more in Arabic. Besides, the FSA politeness strategy (Use appropriate forms of address) includes most of the total frequency in both English and Arabic data, which still it appeared more in English. Additionally, (Exaggerate interest, sympathy with H) comes next in Arabic, while (Be optimistic) appeared more in English. In addition, results show that exaggeration (Hyperbole) is the prevalent stylistic device used in Arabic. Arabic officials usually exaggerate the glorification of people in authoritative positions, while English high officials tend to be more moderate. The findings will be helpful in cross-cultural comparative studies and other related fields.

Cold War strategic priorities led the United States to establish an enduring military alliance with General Francisco Franco's dictatorship in Spain between 1953 and 1975. This article examines the educational diplomacy carried out by the US government during the 1960s and early 1970s to foster Spain's stable modernization through the training of national development elites and the dissemination of US educational ideas. The work surveys US educational, informational, and cultural programs aimed at shaping an educational framework conducive to the expansion and legitimization of a US-oriented socioeconomic liberalization in Spain. On the one hand, this US soft power strategy sought to attract those groups who could play an important role in the capitalist modernization of the educational and economic structures of the Iberian country. On the other hand, it sought to reduce the identification of the United States with Franco's dictatorship and to link the image of the American superpower to the hopes for progress of the Spanish people. All of this was pursued in order to preserve US defensive interests in Spain. The piece also discusses US assistance to the crucial 1970 Spanish General Education Law, which allows us to explore how the US ideology of development and education was received by Spanish educational audiences. Thus, by delving deeper into the intersection between cultural diplomacy, international development, and the history of education, we aim to contribute to the integration of education into the histories of modernization and to deepen our understanding of US educational foreign policy in the Cold War.

Introduction: As an organization with a 75-year history of supporting the teaching of psychology, the Society for the Teaching of Psychology (STP), which also operates as Division 2 of the American Psychological Association, has a significant influence on psychology learning and teaching. Statement of the Problem: In this article, four former STP Vice Presidents for Diversity and International Relations explore STP's history through the lenses of diversity, equity/social justice, inclusion, and international relations. Literature Review: The paper explores the relevant history of STP and incorporates scholarship of teaching and learning literature through an international and social justice lens. Teaching Implications: The authors discussed ways to support BIPOC and underrepresented instructors of psychology. Conclusion: STP and teachers of psychology play a pivotal role in changing the cultural, structural, and institutional processes representing ongoing barriers to diversity, equity, and inclusion, and social justice within the organization and the teaching of psychology. Instructors of psychology are well positioned to promote systemic and structural changes and advocate for social justice for Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) and other underrepresented teachers of psychology.

The field of music education was engaged in unprecedented cross-cultural efforts with Latin American music educators and Latin American music during the period between 1939 and 1946. These inter-American efforts related to the Good Neighbor policies with an emphasis on education and culture in diplomacy. Music educators collaborated with governmental and non-governmental organizations to undertake activities including the development of curricular materials incorporating Latin American music for use in US schools and participating in person-to-person exchanges between American and Latin American music educators. The two genres of music deemed appropriate for schools, folk music and art music, were reinforced in the inter-American educational projects. This combination of efforts to diversify curricular materials and cross-cultural exchanges provided new opportunities for assessing the representation of Latin American musical cultures in US music education.

Strong neighbor relations between Georgia and Turkey have allowed for many interactions to be intensely experienced and maintained in language and culture just as in many areas. The effective communication that both countries established with each other during the historical process has reflected on their vocabulary and enabled thousands of common words to take place in both languages. This interaction continuing between the two communities has become even stronger today and the demand to learn Turkish and Georgian has extremely increased. To this end, in this study it is aimed to determine the words used commonly in Turkish and Georgian in order to enable either Turkish learners or Georgian learners to be better motivated in language acquisition and take the researches for the field a step further. By means of document analysis method many sources were reviewed and thereby a lot of words used commonly in both languages were found. Besides, the study also comprises the changes in the Georgian dialect, which is used in the Adjarian region, an autonomous republic of Georgia, but not used in official Georgian and some field researches to determine this have also partly been done. Accordingly, thousands of common words are found between Turkish and Georgian, but most of these are of Adjarian dialect of Georgian. In this context, just as the dimensions of the reflection of differences such as language, culture, geography, etc. among the regions specific to Georgia on language are understood, the power of the relationship between Turkish and Georgia is also presented with this study.

While students' perspectives are crucial for international/transnational institutions' development, their preferences towards certain values should not be taken for granted, as the possibility of lived experience is confined by individuals' subjectivity, which derives from power and knowledge but does not depend on them (Deleuze; "Foucault," 1988). Drawing on empirical data collected from Chinese sino-foreign cooperation universities, this study illustrates how the constructed neoliberal and authoritarian subjectivity influences students' perception towards the enrolled universities, and their struggle in self-examination about what counts as truth, especially privileged by the discursive conflicts. It further argues while such critique to the politically imposed discourses represents the first step for "the care of the self" as Foucault proposes, the students have inevitably confronted the danger of the sense of lost.

The role of English in Afghanistan has always been contentious, but in 2001 English acquired symbolic capital that provided people with a motive to invest in learning the language. To better understand this investment, this study employed Darvin and Norton's Model of Investment along with the notion of Linguistic Entrepreneurship to investigate how dynamic shifts in the global era can influence people's willingness to invest in a new language, and how this investment is tied to issues of ideology, capital, and identity. Narrative data were collected via frames and interviews to present the experiences of people who had lived through a relatively prosperous time in Afghanistan's recent history, yet who also faced uncertainty due to the sudden shift in power that threatened the conditions which had allowed them to align themselves with more global ambitions. The study reveals how government and western support was influential in Afghans investing in English, which allowed them to accrue economic, cultural, and social capital, transforming them into linguistic entrepreneurs. However, recent events mean this support has been marginalized, diminishing the ability of Afghans to invest in English and leaving the participants in this study in a precarious position as new ideologies which promote opposition to western influence take hold of the country.

The authors consider the U.S. Department of State Diplomacy Lab as a venue for research instruction of graduate social work students in advancing practice with refugees, especially in understanding their contributions to community quality of life, which served as the focus of the lab. The first author, the instructor of the course, worked with Master of Social Work students in implementing the one-semester Diplomacy Lab in a community located in the southern region of the United States. The authors identify the tension the instructor faced in ensuring student involvement in the inquiry even though she undertook significant presemester activities in establishing the feasibility of the project since the U.S. Department of State required its project completion in one semester.

The COVID pandemic created significant problems for higher education worldwide, including new and exacerbated challenges related to international higher education. In this article, the authors focus on: (1) the implications for onsite and online education; (2) international student mobility and internationalization at home; (3) the impact of international mobility in education and research on climate change; (4) increasing inequalities in higher education; and (5) geopolitical tensions and knowledge security. The article concludes with actions higher education can and needs to make to overcome these crises and challenges salient to the international higher education community.

There is an identifiable gap between Australian government policy aspiration and curriculum guidance found in the content of the renewed Australian Curriculum (2018) that has been designed to support the cross-curriculum priority (CCP) of "Asia and Australia's engagement with Asia." We have employed an inductive, interpretative research methodology to analyse the curriculum guidance as data to examine how the Australian government's policies that are predicated on strengthening its partnerships with Asia are being supported by the Australian Curriculum and its State and Territory derivatives. We found that Australian Curriculum content that has been included to support the CCP "Asia and Australia's engagement with Asia" is minimal, unevenly distributed across the key learning areas, and that the inclusion of content is different between the overall Australian Curriculum and its State and Territory derivatives across key ideas, learning areas, and explanatory materials. Identifying a gap, we critically discuss two aspects of our findings: content real estate and its location, and the skills and knowledge assumed of teachers.

When the United Kingdom has figured in the modern history of study abroad, it has featured almost exclusively in the role of host country with little attention paid to the study abroad patterns of UK students. In order to gain a rounded picture of the UK's role in post-war study abroad, this article explores the position of the UK within the context of the rich data gathered by UNESCO. It argues that there is strong evidence that the UK was actually one of the most active countries in sending its students overseas and that this activity increased (both in absolute terms and relative to other countries) significantly in the 1960s and 70s. Following a brief analysis of the UK's role as both a host and exporter of study abroad students on a global scale, its relationship as a sender country with two particular geographical areas is considered: firstly, the Commonwealth that has been the focus of much of the existing secondary literature, and secondly, continental Europe and the USA which have featured much less frequently in the work of historians. Various reasons for the significant rise in the number of UK students studying abroad are explored -- in particular, the role of government attitudes towards overseas study including the possibility of developing student exchange as an instrument of cultural diplomacy. The article pays particular attention to the period between the publication of the Robbins Report in 1963 and the beginnings of the institutionalisation of study abroad (in Europe) in the late 1970s.

The main role of an elite school is to produce future leaders and this paper examines how four elite schools in different parts of the Global South are engaging in this process. Despite the critiques of global citizenship education (GCE) being a vestige of the colonial project, we analyse closely how it is being actively and productively appropriated by the four schools. Our comparative analysis highlights two different types of leaders being created. Two schools are seeking to produce regional sociopolitical transformational leaders, while the other two institutions are more focused on individualised, self-interested future subjects. We show how a range of GCE orientations is drawn on across the four schools that have different geo-political and spatial reaches and are ultimately productive in (re-)producing elite classes. Furthermore, these GCE orientations also have the potential to disrupt the unequal relations currently found between the North and the South.

While education abroad can facilitate experiential learning, when travel is focused around collective trauma, academic tours may exacerbate harm. In this article, we describe our process of seeking to be accountable for the role of our course, which focuses on the 30-year conflict, known as the Troubles that took place in Northern Ireland, in communities that have been affected by traumatic structural violence and interpersonal conflict. We discuss the risks of perpetuating objectification and exploitation, and of mediating strategies for building reciprocity and solidarity. Special attention must be given to these issues to facilitate just and ethical learning experiences that model appropriate professional development for social work students.

We report on the development and use of a course-long, online simulation in a recent, upper-level undergraduate course on the International Relations of COVID-19. We demonstrate how to conduct a simulation in an entirely online environment by including a description of our processes and logistical advice, guidance, and specific examples. This simulation format can be easily translated to fit varying durations, issue areas, and in-person formats. Our students reported that the simulation was a rewarding and thought-provoking experience, as they were offered a front-seat view to the inherent substantive and logistical challenges of international negotiation about an ongoing international crisis in real time.